my HD pol141 essay

What impact has the ‘War on Terrorism’ and Australia’s role in it, had on Australian politics?

The ‘War on Terrorism’ has had an enormous impact on Australian politics. Some of the aspects touched upon range from John Howard’s immediate support of US policy through to the present ands the ramifications of such an alliance, our increased likelihood of terrorist attack, the erosion of truth in government, fear and wedge politics, more military spending, to changes to our legislation that affect the civil liberties of Australians. In order to understand how the climate of fear fostered by the Howard government has changed the face of Australian politics, an outline of the ‘War on Terrorism’ is required.
If one single event could be said to be the start of the ‘War on Terrorism’ it was the destruction of the World Trade Centre buildings by jumbo jets, filled with terrified passengers, kidnapped by terrorists, most of whom were ignorant martyrs to the cause of Osama bin Laden, the acknowledged leader of the Al Qaeda movement. The Pentagon was also damaged, whilst the plane destined for the White House was brought down by the passengers themselves. Despite this, in one blow, America’s supremacy economically, militarily and politically had been challenged. Their symbols of power had been sullied (it is significant that the trade centres were so comprehensively attacked).
The orchestration and obvious planning that had been behind the attack horrified Americans, and with typical a ‘wild west’ approach, George W. Bush determined to take the fight to the enemy. The immediate problem with this approach is that in this case, the enemy were disseminated across the world, mostly in Muslim nations. Al Qaeda is an organization of terrorist cells, based in principal on the successful tactics guerrilla groups have employed through history. Split into separate elements with few lines of communication, apart from ‘activation switches’, these types of groups are incredibly difficult to even detect.
John Howard was in Washington for the 50th anniversary of ANZUS at the time of the attack; the impact upon him was huge . His first reaction was to pledge Australia’s assistance to whatever course of action the US might commit. This was done before he’d consulted with parliament or even members of his own party. With what amounted to a blank check, the consequences of which have been seen in history before, one man had essentially committed Australia to war, not with just one nation, but the zealots of an entire religion.
In less than a month, the USA, without waiting for the UN’s green light, despite the international condemnation of the Al Quaeda and good will toward America that certainly would have seen a global approach, launched an attack on Afghanistan that started on the 7th October 2001. With a nod toward an international approach, the US assembled a coalition of allies comprised of Britain, Germany, Australia and assorted other countries who bowed to American pressure or sought to curry favour. This rejection of UN policy appears to be a concerted attempt to destabilise the world body, as America continues to bypass the UN on any resolutions that don’t suit it’s interests, and is aped by Australia.
The Taliban, the hardline fundamentalist government of Afghanistan, were comprised of those mujahadeen, trained by war and the CIA, who, after driving off the USSR, had fought amongst themselves until the toughest and most ruthless came to the top. In what was perhaps a foreshadowing, six months before the attack on the trade centres they had shown their disregard for world opinion and puritanical values by destroying the twin Buddha statues at Bamiyan, recognised as of inestimable cultural and historical heritage. What aroused America’s ire were the training camps provided for Al Qaeda. As the attack continued and his regime was collapsing around him, the ‘information minister’ for the Taliban laughed when asked about Australia’s involvement. At that stage we were still seen as insignificant.
The Australian government was also quick to use the fear of terrorism to draw links to the refugees on Tampa, most of whom were Afghanis. That September 11 had an effect on the outcome of the 2001 election cannot be doubted. The measures that Howard emplaced upon re-election in response to terrorism were impressive;

“Australia introduced a raft of measures post September 11 including the Security Legislation Amendment (Terrorism) Act 2002, the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism Act 2002, the Criminal Code Amendment (Suppression of Terrorist Bombing) Act 2002, the Telecommunications Interception Legislation Amendment Act 2002, and the Border Security Legislation Amendment Act 2002.”

Areas of Australia were no longer considered Australian for those we didn’t want there. A person can be incarcerated on mere suspicion for up to a year. Bank records and all telecommunications can be monitored. Almost overnight, Australia became a nation with the potential for a police state, the legislation likened to those of Pinochet’s Chile. Our subsequent approval of the imprisonment of suspected terrorists at Guantanamo Bay sees Australia endorsing policies not seen in the West since before the signing of the Magna Carta in terms of human rights. Howard’s flouting of UN protocols, treatment of refugees, military alliance with the Americans and revived racist politics were seen by many in Australia to indicate strong leadership, though incurred global condemnation.
On the 12th October 2002 the Bali bombing occurred, killing 88 Australians. We had become a terrorist target; though in part the Indonesian extremists had been angered by Australian interference in East Timor, our close involvement with the Americans was without doubt a major factor in their motivations. We were no longer safe on our doorstep. The capture of David Hicks, fighting for the Taliban, and later Mamdouh Habib, kidnapped from Pakistan, as well as the arrest (and subsequent release of) Izar Ul-Haque have also sent a clear message to the Australian populace that there are potential enemies in their midst.
After the majority of the dismantlement of the Taliban had been effected, Bush began warning the world of the ‘Axis of Evil’, concentrating on Saddam Hussein’s alleged possession of ‘Weapon’s of Mass Destruction’ (WMDs). This signalled the start of the broadening of the ‘War on Terror’ to the occupation of a Middle Eastern nation rich with oil, something Osama bin Laden had forecast would occur.
Although the war on Iraq officially started on the 20th march 2003, Australian special forces began operations before the deadline was past for Hussein to surrender the WMDs he was subsequently shown not to have. American aggression as well as the lack of evidence that Iraq had either WMDs or any links to terrorist organizations, apart from Hamas, a Palestinian group, saw anti-US sentiment rise throughout the world. Through the initial war with Iraq’s hopelessly outclassed conventional forces, as in Afghanistan, many irregulars were found to be not Iraqis; but Muslim sympathisers who fought against what they saw as injustice and terror.
It is curious that Saudi Arabia, which had supplied most of the funding to Al Quaeda, and is also America’s biggest ally apart from Israel in the Middle East, has so far been spared the wrath of the wounded giant. This is because they supply a large proportion of the world’s fuel. The ‘War on Terror’ is a misnomer, it has become a war for oil. In a world reliant on fossil fuels, and Bush has shown his desire to support the continuance of the petro-chemical industrial model through his refusal to ratify the Kyoto accords, control of the stocks of a dwindling supply become economic necessity . Howard’s policy mirrors that of Bush, as our intervention in East Timor and access to their fossil fuel reserves also shows.
Howard’s close alliance with Bush has had the effect of pushing us much closer to an increasingly isolated America, at the expense of our relations in Asia. So much does Howard emulate the US cowboy stance, his avowed intention to perform pre-emptive military interventions upon perceived terrorist organizations that might pose a threat to Australia have severely damaged our relations with and alarmed our regional neighbours.
Our reward for this deputy position is the Free Trade Agreement:

the agreement will strengthen U.S. - Australian economic ties and has the potential to increase trade between our countries by billions of dollars.
Australia is a large and growing trade and investment partner of the United States. Two-way annual goods and services trade is nearly $29 billion, a 53-percent increase since 1994. Australia purchases more goods from the United States than from any other country, and the United States enjoys a bilateral goods and services trade surplus of $9 billion.
Negotiations on the Australia - U.S. FTA began in March 2003, and President George W. Bush and Prime Minister John Howard have made it a priority for both countries to conclude the agreement.

The US has also commented on our electoral processes; “U.S. Ambassador Tom Schieffer, a Texas pal of Bush, warned Australians of "serious consequences" if they elect Latham.” As well as the widely reported comments of George W. Bush himself, “There's little doubt which man Bush favors in the race, which remains too close to call. During the Australian leader's visit to Bush's Crawford, Texas, ranch in 2003, Bush labeled Howard, 65, a "man of steel." This summer, the president said a Latham-led withdrawal from Iraq would be "disastrous" and would "embolden the enemy."”
Defence acquisitions and Military expenditure have increased dramatically under Howard’s tenure, as well as the role with which they are used. The RAN has become more of a coastal police force under the Border security legislation act, ordered to turn away refugees rather than assist them. Our special forces and air force have been deployed in all the theatres of the ‘War on Terrorism.
One thing about a war is that it is known that truth is the first casualty. This in the public mindset gives a government a quasi-legitimacy to tell a few lies; it is expected, as long as it is in the public interest. There is a sense that the deposing of a despot like Saddam Hussein was the right thing to do, even if the justifications for getting there were a little murky . Almost from the start of his mandate, Howard has made a mockery of truth and accountability in government: the many failures according to the ministerial code of conduct, where no heads rolled; the Children Overboard issue, the WMDs. In the 2004 election the deception the government told promulgated a disbelief in the ALP’s financial capabilities. Despite calls by senior figures across the political and military spectrum for accountability, Howard ably slipped the spotlight and turned the attention from unpopular international events to a domestic issue, largely made up on the spot, so that the average Australian could once again cling to the fear of the unknown, in this case a potential rise in interest rates.
Side by side with the loss of truth in government lies media complicity. With the relaxation of cross-media ownership laws, monopolies control the flow of information. Bias and selective reporting have been proven to mislead the outlet’s audience. The practise of ‘embedding the media’ with American troops allowed the US military to control the public face of the Iraq war. For some time, only Al-Jazheera, the Arabic broadcaster, offered a differing viewpoint.
The Australian opposition has showed itself to have no firm stance in relation to the ‘War on Terrorism’. Kim Beazley supports it: "As we fight what is going to be a very long conflict with militant fundamentalism we have to preserve our own values and stand solidly by them." . Under Simon Crean, it sought to differentiate itself from the Liberal Party, without appearing unAustralian, by declaring it supported the troops if not the cause, as they sailed away on HMAS Kanimbula in January 2003, a stance seen by most as schitzophrenic. Latham’s answer was to declare that he’d ‘have the troops home by Christmas’, a laughable proposition; despite the unpopularity of the conflict, memories are long— the last time that bitter phrase had been used was in World War Two, and the troops didn’t come home for three or four years. The statement was always seen as untenable by the public. There is also a sense amongst many Australians that we helped to make the mess that is present day Iraq, and so should stay to help clean up.
The ALP missed a chance to present the ‘War on Terrorism’ in a new light and our nation’s involvement in it by not addressing the actual causes of terrorism. Apart from armies equipped with the world’s best armaments destroying your neighbour’s country and imperialistically emplacing their system of government, the two main contributing factors that create the conditions where fanaticism can arise are poverty and ignorance. Bush’s war has been straight from the hip, with no serious attempts to alleviate the conditions that give rise to the problem in the first place.
Another key factor the ALP failed to come to grips with is the climate of fear engendered by world events, an atmosphere that Howard has manipulated and created through Australia’s involvement, reportage and propaganda. In such an environment, when a populace is unsure and afraid, there is always a substantial electoral swing to both the incumbent government and the conservative parties. The policies of fear and the ‘War on Terrorism’ are self perpetuating. The preoccupation the public has with the objects of fear has also enabled Howard to ‘bury’ debate on issues that are contentious, such as reconciliation, the republic, the Kyoto accords, the imprisonment of Hicks and Habib, the fact that we’re the only nation in the world that incarcerates children, uranium mining and truth in governance, federal education and health policies, among others.
The spectre of Iran was first raised by Bush when he declared his ‘Axis of Evil’, claiming that they (as well as North Korea) had a nuclear weapons programme. Despite denials by the Iranians, their Shahab-3 ballistic missile with a range of two thousand kms would seem to support the plausibility of the American case. In an article published in mid January 2005 in the “New Yorker magazine, American journalist Seymour Hersh reports that U.S. commandos are already operating in Iran. The American task force, aided by the information from Pakistan, has been penetrating eastern Iran from Afghanistan in a hunt for underground installations." He goes on to claim that this is in preparation for an attack by US forces.
The implications of this for Australia under Howard’s leadership are grim. In short order the nation could find itself at war with a nuclear power, relatively close to our shores. The Bush government seems intent on waging war throughout the Middle East, flexing its muscles and show-casing America’s might as the world’s only super power, gaining control over the world’s supply of oil and leaving destabilised areas with propped up regimes. He has stated his belief in the superiority of the American way of life, which, combined with his avowed religious beliefs, conflict with the tenets of Islam. Bush may have used the word Crusade only once in public, but that is surely the course he is engaged on.
According to George Modelski’s theory on power bloc development , we could well be between “phase two: delegitimation: after about thirty years, other nations begin to challenge for power and the globe becomes more multipolar in its power structures. phase three: deconcentration: In the next thirty years, deconcentration of power takes place as other nation states vie for control.” If this is the case, then America is entering hegemonic crisis. Some signs can be seen in their dodgy business dealings and balance of payments, not to mention an overheated wartime economy which is nearing a collapse. The Euro has overtaken the US dollar in terms of currency strength, and the unveiling recently of the ‘air bus’ has shown that Europe can work as a cohesive whole, something that has always held it back. China is due to emerge as an economic powerhouse in this century.
The ‘War on Terrorism has made Australians more likely to become a target of terrorism (more prevalent now than since the ‘war’ began), has enabled an assault on the effectiveness and authority of the UN, created a rift between the Islamic world and the West, affected our international standing and has created a climate of fear that makes it alright for the government to perpetuate moral outrages and lie to us as so long as we’re kept safe.
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